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Et accessoirement, lier réellement achat de Rafale et vente de Mirage serait un mauvais signal de leur part

En effet, si cela leur permet de gagner sur le coût de possession d'une flotte "Made in Dassault", cela les bride et leur enlève l'argument de négociation "votre proposition ne nous convient pas, nous préférons acheter du Typhoon/Gripen/Super-Hornet/Flanker/Thunder/Whatever". En effet, les constructeurs de ces autres oiseaux ne feront pas de reprise des -9, donc l'achat coûtera beaucoup plus.

Objectivement, je crois qu'il est préférable de négocier séparément les deux volets pour obtenir le meilleur rendement :

  • renouvellement des appareils, en faisant peser la menace d'un départ à la concurrence pour obtenir la meilleure proposition
  • reprise de l'existant, en acceptant le risque que ce volet échoue, mais s'il aboutit et à n'importe quel prix, c'est toujours du bonus
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Ce n'est pas parce que Tactical Report le dit dans l'accroche de son article (pour le contenu complet duquel personne ici ne prend le risque de payer) que c'est vrai pour autant.

Il ne faut pas oublier que dans ce type de presse - qui se vante de faire de l'analyse stratégique et qui fournit, en fait, de la copie pissée en volume - les propos de l'auteur ne reflètent le plus souvent que ses propres impressions. Celles-ci étant basées sur une connaissance partielle de données pas nécessairement recoupées mais nécessairement interprétées, cela donne lieu à toutes sortes de rumeurs dont l'absence fréquente de réalisation explique le peu de crédit apporté à ce média.

N'oublie pas que Tactical Report vit de l'achat d'articles et que cet achat fait suite à un intérêt que l'on peut avoir à la lecture des premières lignes. Il s'agit donc de produire beaucoup (et souvent) des accroches polémiques ou sensationnelles, quitte à ce que le contenu derrière soit moins relevé. France-Dimanche et Ici-Paris vendent sur leurs titres, pas sur le contenu des articles ni sur leurs scoops. :rolleyes:

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De toute façon, ce qui est sur, c'est que les 2000-9 vont rester en service au moins jusqu'à la mise en service des Rafale.

Les avions Dassault (et éventuellement EADS, Sukhoi... mais pas américains) sont les seuls avions qui peuvent utiliser certains types d'armement (SCALP, Exocet...) et sans l'accord des USA. A ce titre il faudra les remplacer par autre chose que des F16 ou F35.

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  • 2 weeks later...

Tu ne dois pas être enregistrer. il faut se logger pour voir l'article.

 

Over the last decade, defense spending in the Middle East has been buoyed by record high oil prices.

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) nations have undergone a multi-billion-dollar program of modernization and rearmament, equipping themselves with some of the best Western and Russian equipment money can buy.

But is this bubble of record defense spending about to burst?

The fall in the price of oil is not hurting the ruling families or governments in the Middle East just yet, thanks in part to the vast currency reserves these nations hold, but those reserves will not last forever. Analysts have different views on the future of defense spending in the region particularly for Saudi Arabia. Some suggest that that the high defense spending of recent years could become a thing of the past, while others say spending could fall in the short term but remain on an upward trend generally.

According to a Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (Sipri) report, Saudi Arabia’s $80.8 billion was among the top five largest worldwide expenditures on defense in 2014. Spending there has increased by 112% over 10 years and is now the equivalent of 10% of the kingdom’s gross domestic product (GDP).

The same report states that the United Arab Emirates, the only other GCC nation featured in the top-15 defense spenders, paid out $22.8 billion, or 5.7% of GDP. The UAE’s spending was even higher than that of Turkey—a nation with the eighth-largest army in the world—although defense spending in the UAE has actually slowed compared to the highs seen in 2005-11.

These states have provided a safety blanket for the Western world’s arms-manufacturing companies over the last decade. When defense spending slumped in the U.S. and Europe due to the global economic crisis, the Middle East has had demands for new equipment, building defense and security capability over concerns about internal strife prompted by the 2011 Arab Spring and what it perceived as an increasingly antagonistic and influential Iran.

A replacement for the UAE fleet of Dassault Mirage 2000-9s is still a high priority for Abu Dhabi.

At the top of their shopping lists has been the ability to project power, and in particular air power. As a result, Saudi Arabia, UAE and other GCC nations have been investing not only in new combat aircraft but the aerial-refueling planes and transport aircraft that help them deploy. These purchases have been followed by investments in ground-based air defense, new combat vehicles and a significant recapitalization of naval forces.

But as the world’s largest oil exporter, Saudi Arabia is much more vulnerable to low oil prices than other producers that have more diversified economies. In recent years, Saudi oil revenues have accounted for more than 90% of government income. Others in the region, particularly the UAE, have tried to diversify their economies away from oil and toward services and manufacturing.

Justin Bronk, a research analyst at the London-based Royal United Services Institute think tank, believes that the current rate of spending on defense equipment in the region is unsustainable in the long-term. “Oil prices will climb back up, but it seems unlikely they will climb beyond $85/per barrel, the price where shale oil extraction becomes economical,” he says.

Bronk points out that many countries are working to reduce their dependence on Middle Eastern supplies of oil and gas. China is looking more at nuclear energy generation, while Europe is heavily investing in greener electricity production, reducing demand for oil and gas. The international rapprochement with Iran could also increase oil supplies.

The GCC nations will persist with current major programs such as new fighters, however. Bronk expects Saudi Arabia will go ahead with plans to purchase additional Eurofighter Typhoons in the relatively near future, while the UAE will place orders for a new fleet of fighters to replace the Dassault Mirage 2000. He believes major purchases beyond these could be subject to delays.

Nawaf Obaid, fellow and associate lecturer at Harvard University’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and an expert on Saudi government matters, told the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington on Oct. 8, that the oil price would likely affect defense spending in 2016-17, but added, “a lot of the [modernization] you see today has already been assigned and indeed spent.”

Information firm IHS adjusted its estimates on the prospect for Middle East defense spending in June, having suggested oil prices could cause spending to slump in December. IHS said in June that there had been few signs of “reactionary adjustments to government spending trends.”

“[Saudi Arabia] has only cut defense and security expenditure once over the last 15 years,” IHS analysts said.

Qatar has followed its neighbors in defense equipment investment, but has fewer concerns about cash flow, thanks to the huge revenues from its gas reserves and the fact that Doha has underinvested in its military for decades, but is now shelling out for new equipment.

Some estimates suggest Doha could be spending $7 billion a year on defense by 2020, compared with $3.8 billion this year. Last March, the Qatari government announced that it was planning to spend 87 billion riyals ($23 billion) on new military equipment. This includes airborne early warning radar aircraft, aerial-refueling tankers, battlefield helicopters and surface-to-air missile systems. At the Paris Air Show this year, the Qataris snapped up four of the remaining five Boeing C-17 airlifters for sale. The gas exporter has also selected the Dassault Rafale as its new fighter.

It seems likely that a second fighter type from either Europe or the U.S. is likely to follow, as the Qataris have indicated they want as many as 72 fighters and are not against the idea of operating more than one type.

Kuwait, despite being more constrained in defense spending and wealth than its GCC counterparts further down the Gulf, announced in September it will procure theEurofighter Typhoon as the replacement for its F/A-18 Hornets purchased after the 1991 Gulf War. Kuwait has also made significant investments in new transport aircraft, including the Lockheed KC-130J Hercules and Boeing C-17. 

 

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Fighter Buyers are Spoilt for Choice

http://aviationweek.com/dubai-air-show-2015/fighter-buyers-are-spoilt-choice

 

The UAE’s message to Eurofighter may have been a stern warning rather than a condemnation: “Don’t come back until you’re qualified—Rafale is flying with things you’re still talking about.” The message was received as the Royal Air Force belatedly realized that the Tornado was going to be retired in 2018, taking unique and vital capabilities with it, and that the Lockheed Martin F-35 Joint Strike Fighter would be nowhere near ready to replace it.

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Les EAU ont l'air d'être au moins aussi casse-bonbons indécis que les Indiens, mais sans que cela se remarque outre mesure car leurs responsables communiquent beaucoup moins. De l'extérieur, ils donnent pas non plus l'impression de se tirer dans les pattes, mais de faire monter les enchères.

A votre avis c'est quoi le plus frustrant pour les négociateurs Dassault ? Afficher l'image d'origine

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Invité Dorfmeister

à prendre avec des pincettes mais la Russie discuterait avec les EAU concernant les Su-35

Et une petite source pour accompagner cette affirmation? Merci.

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